Communist Party of China (CPC) – history, resolutions and documents

In a Yenan cave house - Hsin Mang

In a Yenan cave house

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Communist Party of China (CPC) – history, resolutions and documents

Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party, adopted by the Enlarged Seventh Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on April 20, 1945, 72 pages. This is the revised translation from the Appendix to the 3rd edition of the pamphlet Our Study and the Current Situation, by Mao Tse-tung. (Peking: FLP, 1962)

Thirty Years of the Communist Party of China: An Outline History, by Hu Chiao-mu, (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1951), 100 pages.

Documents of the National Conference of the Communist Party of China, held in March 1955. Includes: the Communiqué, the resolution on the draft of the first 5-year plan, the resolution on the anti-Party bloc of Kao Kang and Jao Shu-shih, and the resolution on the establishment of central and local control committees. (Peking: Oct. 1955), 68 pages.

Documents of the Sixth Plenary Session (Enlarged) of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, a supplement to People’s China, Dec. 1, 1955, 24 pages.

Eighth Congress of the Communist Party of China, Volume 1: Documents, (Peking: FLP, 1956), 332 pages.

Eighth Congress of the Communist Party of China, Volume 2: Speeches, (Peking: FLP, 1956), 388 pages.

Eighth Congress of the Communist Party of China, Volume 3: Greetings From Fraternal Parties, (Peking: FLP, 1956), 266 pages.

Constitution of the Communist Party of China and Report on the Revision of the Constitution of the CPC by Teng Hsiao-ping. This is the Party Constitution adopted by the Eighth National Congress on Sept. 26, 1956. The report of the the revision of the Constitution was delivered by Teng Hsiao-ping [Deng Xiaoping] at that Congress on Sept. 16, 1956. (Peking: FLP, 1956), 118 pp.

Documentos del VIII Congreso National del Partido Comunista de China, ELE, Pekin, 1957, 342 pages. Spanish version.

Second Session of the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, seven reports and resolutions, including Report on the Work of the Central Committee of the CCP to the Second Session of the Eighth National Congress by Liu Shao-chi. (Peking: FLP, 1958), 99 pages.

The historical experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, FLP, Peking, 1959, 64 pages.

Training Successors for the Revolution is the Party’s Strategic Task, 3 articles on this topic including the title article by An Tzu-wen from Hongqi, Nos. 17-18, 1964. (Peking: FLP, 1965), 68 pages.

Absorb Proletarian Fresh Blood – An Important Question in Party Consolidation, Hongqi [Red Flag] editorial, #4, Oct. 14, 1968. (Peking: FLP, 1968), 34 pages.

Communique of the Enlarged Twelfth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, adopted on Oct. 31, 1968. (Peking: FLP, 1968), 32 pages.

The Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (Documents), including the Report to the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China delivered by Lin Piao; The Constitution of the Communist Party of China; lists of members of the Central Committee and the Politburo; and several press communiques. (Peking: FLP, 1969), 206 pages. Lin Piao’s Report issued as a separate small pamphlet, 112 pages.

The Constitution of the Communist Party of China, adopted by the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, April 4, 1969. (Peking: FLP, 1969), 52 pages.

Hold Aloft the Banner of Unity of the Party’s Ninth Congress and Win Still Greater Victories, editorial of Renmin Ribao, Hongqi and Jifangjun Bao, June 9, 1969. (Peking: FLP, 1969), 26 pages.

Communists Should Be the Advanced Elements of the Proletariat – In Commemoration of the 49th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China. (Peking: FLP, 1970), 20 pages.

Commemorate the 50th Anniversary of the Communist Party of China: 1921-1971, (Peking: FLP, 1971), 60 pages.

The Tenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (Documents), (Peking: FLP, 1973), 138 pages.

A basic understanding of the Communist Party of China, Shanghai 1974, Norman Bethune Institute, Toronto, 1976, 222 pages.

The Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China (Documents), (Peking: FLP, 1977), 270 pages.

Documents of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee – September 1956-April 1969, Union Research Institute, Hong Kong, 1974

A collection of documents (not complete) covering an important period of the development of Socialism in the People’s Republic of China. Large files hence divided into a number of parts.

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

Part 4

Part 5

Part 6

Part 7

Resolutions of the Tsunyi Conference, Jerome Ch’en, The China Quarterly, No 40, October-December, 1969, pp 1-38, SOAS, London.

History of the Chinese Communist Party, a chronology of events, 1919-1990, FLP, Beijing, 1991, 524 pages.

A concise history of the Communist Party of China, (Seventy years of the CPC.), Hu Sheng (chief editor) Party History Research Centre of the CPC Central Committee, FLP, Beijing, 1994, 873 pages. A Revisionist interpretation of history. Too big to download to WordPress 2024

Commentaries on the Communist Party of China

The Communist Party of China and the 20th Congress of the CPSU, Irish Communist Organisation, Cork, 1970, 20 pages. Policy statement No. 3.

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Peking Review 1958-1978

Always keep a firm grip on the rifle

Always keep a firm grip on the rifle

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Peking Review

Soon after Chairman Mao made the Declaration of the of the People’s Republic of China in Tienanmen Square on 1st October 1949 the Communist Party of China decided that the production of a regular magazine, which would tell the world what the Chinese were attempting to create in their country, was of paramount importance. From January 1950 a magazine called People’s China was produced fortnightly until the end of 1957. This was superseded by the weekly magazine Peking Review.

Peking Review (in English) was first published in March 1958 and then continued, on a weekly basis, until the first issue of 1979 (January 5th) when it was re-branded as Beijing Review.

Unfortunately the new name also presaged a new direction. From being a revolutionary magazine, presenting the ideas and aspirations of a young (and relatively weak) Socialist state struggling along the road to the construction of Communism it has now become the open statement of aims of an outright capitalist and imperialist state – with global ambitions.

As Mao famously wrote; ‘a revolution is not a dinner party’ (Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan (March 1927), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 28.) and this means that from the very beginning the new Socialist state had to face many obstacles. There is opposition from within and without the country, from within and without the Party. Those who might have played an important role in the past in the fight for liberation are not necessarily the ones who are needed to build a radically new society. All revolutionaries bring with them the baggage of the capitalist past – some find it more difficult than others to throw off that hindrance. 

A study of all revolutions shows this to be the case and, learning from the experience of the past, Chairman Mao promoted the Cultural Revolution (which started in 1966) to expose such elements within the Party and Government structure – at all levels. This means that in the early editions of Peking Review articles written by, or about, certain individuals who were later denounced and condemned appear. Not all of what they said at that time might have been incorrect but as the struggle to build Socialism intensifies the contradictions between them and the revolutionary wing of the Party and people will inevitably come into conflict. And all conflict must have a resolution.  

All the issues that covered the revolutionary period, which included important developments such as ‘The Great Leap Forward’; the collectivisation of the countryside; the industrialisation of a previously backward, feudal society; developments in education, social welfare, health and culture; and, especially, ‘The Great Socialist Cultural Revolution’ are all documented in the pages of Peking Review from 1958-1976.

Very soon after the death of Chairman Mao Tse-tung (Mao Zedong), on 9th September 1976, those achievements came under attack by the ‘capitalist roaders’ (represented by the arch-traitor to the Chinese workers and peasants, Teng Hsiao-ping (Deng Xiaoping) and not so gradually those achievements were turned into the ‘primitive accumulation’ of the present day Chinese billionaires.

For a look at the development of literature, art and culture during the Socialist period of China’s past you can do worse than have a look at the issues of Chinese Literature.

Available issues of Peking Review:

1958, 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978

Beijing Review

From issue No. 1 of 1979 the weekly political and informative magazine Peking Review changed its name to Beijing Review. On page 3 of that number the editors made the open declaration of the change in the direction of the erstwhile ‘People’s Republic of China’.

By stating that the Communist Party of China (under the control then of Teng Hsiao-Ping/Deng Xiaoping ) sought ‘to accomplish socialist modernisation by the end of the century and turn China …. into an economically developed and fully democratic socialist country’ the CPC was openly declaring the rejection of the revolutionary path, which the country had been following since 1949, and the adoption of the road that would inevitably lead to the full scale establishment of capitalism.

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1st October – Declaration of the People’s Republic of China

Mao Tse-tung October 1949

Mao Tse-tung October 1949

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1st October – Declaration of the People’s Republic of China

In the autumn of 1949, in front of thousands of people in Tienanmen Square, Mao Tse-Tung, Chairman of the Communist Party of China stood on the podium over the Gate of Heavenly Peace (which gives its name to the square) and made a short speech which was to see the country follow a road for which millions had fought and died during the majority of the first half of the 20th century. The date was 1st October, the speech, the Declaration of the People’s Republic of China.

After a bloody war against the Japanese invaders and then an equally bloody civil conflict against the United States supported Nationalist forces of the Kuomintang, under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese people had, as Mao declared a number of times during that period, ‘stood up’.

No longer would the Chinese people be treated as slaves for the invading powers; no longer would imperialist powers (both minor and major) treat China as a country they could do with as they liked; no longer would the people kowtow to the Emperors who ensconced themselves in the palace at his back; no longer would the workers and peasants live in abject poverty whilst the wealth of their country was being enjoyed elsewhere; no longer would peasants be abused by avaricious and cruel landlords; no longer would the fate of poor Chinese women be that of concubines or prostitutes; no longer would it be necessary for Chinese families to migrate and face racism and humiliation in far off countries in efforts to achieve a better standard of living.

Although there were still pockets of Nationalist opposition at the time of the declaration the new government set about challenging and changing what had become the lot of the majority of the Chinese people.

As had happened immediately after the Russian Revolution, another country with a peasant majority, one of the first tasks was to take the land from the landlords and distribute it amongst the peasants who worked the land.

Laws were passed to free women from the shackles of feudalism and patriarchy, where they were often treated as no more than chattel; education that had been denied to all but a privileged few was to be made universal; health care was to be made free for all and care of the elderly was to be an obligation of the State. This was the start of the era of the ‘iron rice bowl’, when State employees (which encompassed most workers in the cities as industry as well as ‘white collar’ jobs were all part of the nationalised structure) were guaranteed a job for life and access to the other welfare benefits.

But the construction of socialism is not easy. Within a year of the declaration of the People’s Republic thousands of Chinese volunteers went off, yet again, to war, this time to prevent the United Nations troops from intervening in North Korea.

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s different movements sought to learn from some of the mistakes made in the Soviet Union culminating in the Great Socialist Cultural Revolution that started in 1966. Although these mass political movements sought to prevent the restoration of capitalism in China a very short time after the death of Chairman Mao in September 1976 those who had been denounced during the Cultural Revolution had engineered a successful coup against the revolutionaries and started to dismantle all those advances in the construction of socialism that so many had fought for after Mao’s declaration on October 1st 1949.

(Why they were able to do so, and in such a short space of time is an issue that Marxist-Leninists-Maoists need – at some time in the future – to analyse and try to understand.)

The 38 years since the death of the Chairman have not been good for China. In agriculture the communes and collective farms have been broken up and privatised – although not without resistance as news leaks out of countless battles between farmers and the security forces.

Because there is no work in the countryside the whole demographic of the country is changing. Young people leave the villages to find work in the Special Economic Zones where they work in the factories to produce all the consumer goods that working people in the west buy with money they don’t have. Any family life is more or less destroyed as children remain in the villages with their grandparents and only see their parents twice a year – at Chinese New Year and during the National Holiday which is celebrated at this moment, the beginning of October. (There used to be a third occasion, the May Day holiday, but that was reduced to a couple of days in 2007, too short a time for people to make the long journeys necessary to travel to their home towns.)

Industries have been privatised and State enterprises broken up and organised in a way no different from what exists under capitalism. The once proud People’s Liberation Army, set up under the principal of ‘serving the people’ has transformed itself into an oppressor of the people and generals and other high officials have gorged themselves at the trough of the people’s wealth.

Millionaires and billionaires abound and now the biggest market for luxury goods in the world is now the ‘People’s’ Republic of China, but a republic that is in the hands of the people in name only and led by renegades who besmirch the achievements of the once glorious Communist Party of China.

The Chinese people, in the main, have accepted these changes. They now have ‘things’, consumer goods which were in short supply in the early years of the Republic. But these ‘things’ have been ‘gained’ at a price. The ‘iron rice bowl’ has been smashed to smithereens; education is being privatised, as is health; the once independent country that ‘stood up’ in 1949 is now allowing itself to be controlled and influenced by the very same countries that spent the first part of the 20th century trying to destroy and humiliate the Chinese people in general; and – in some ways even more disgraceful – China is turning into an imperialist power and exploiting and using its military strength to oppress people in other countries, especially a number of countries in Africa.

Why the Chinese people have allowed this happen I don’t know. But then I don’t understand why this situation has been allowed to develop in a number of other countries where, at one time, the people had ‘stood up’, proud, independent and with a perspective on the future that wasn’t based on exploitation and oppression.

So if 65 years ago there was a sense of optimism at the time of Chairman Mao’s declaration what are the main subjects presented in the current edition of Beijing Review, the long-established foreign language publication of the People’s Republic?

A boasting of the level of Outbound Direct Investment; a celebration of the floatation of the e-commerce company Alibaba on the New York Stock Exchange in September, the largest amount of trading in one company in one day ever; a call for more private (read foreign) capital investment in China’s oil, natural gas, banking and railway enterprises; boasts about the unsustainable rates of growth in China outstripping those of the United States by factors of 5 or 6; and boasts of how the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of China will soon overtake that of the US and become the biggest in the world.

But this all comes at a price. And that price is always paid by the poorest in society. They can either accept it or pick up the baton that was carried by the Maoist Communist Party of China for many years but which has been dropped and trampled in the dust.

The people of China are yet again on their knees. How long will it be before a future leader stands over the Gate of Heavenly Peace and pronounce such inspiring words as the Chairman did on Saturday 1st October 1949?

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