Peking Review – 1959

Wishing Chairman Mao a long life

Wishing Chairman Mao a long life

More on China …..

Peking Review – 1959

Peking Review was the weekly political and informative magazine published between 1958 and 1978. With issue No 1 of 1979 the magazine was renamed Beijing Review, the new name bringing with it a new direction in the People’s Republic of China and was an open statement of the reintroduction of capitalism in the erstwhile Socialist Republic.

Topics and issues addressed throughout 1959 included:

  • development of industry, agriculture and health
  • achievements in the Soviet Union (in 1959 the Communist Party of China had still not openly declared the Communist Party of the Soviet Union a Revisionist Party
  • the continuing lessons of the Great Leap Forward
  • developments in the rest of the ‘socialist world’
  • news on world revolutionary and national liberation movements
  • the strengthening of the People’s Communes
  • a report on the 21st Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
  • references to Sino-Soviet ‘friendship’
  • China’s support for national liberation movements
  • condemnation of growing United States involvement in Vietnam
  • the emancipation of women
  • the situation in Tibet following the reactionary rebellion
  • calling for the withdrawal of US troops from South Korea
  • comments on the growing conflict along the Sino-Indian border
  • the 10th Anniversary of the Declaration of the People’s Republic of China

Available issues of Peking Review:

1958, 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978

(In No 26 there’s an index for the articles in issues 1-26 of 1959. Likewise in No 52 there’s an index for articles in numbers 27-52.)

Peking Review 1959 - 01

Peking Review 1959 – 01

Peking Review 1959 - 02

Peking Review 1959 – 02

Peking Review 1959 - 03

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Peking Review 1959 - 05

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Peking Review 1959 - 09

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Peking Review 1959 - 13

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Peking Review 1959 - 16 supplement

Peking Review 1959 – 16 supplement

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Peking Review 1959 - 20

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Peking Review 1959 - 24

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Peking Review 1959 - 28

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Peking Review 1959 - 32

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Peking Review 1959 - 36

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Peking Review 1959 - 39 supplement

Peking Review 1959 – 39 supplement

Peking Review 1959 - 40

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Peking Review 1959 - 43

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Peking Review 1959 - 47

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Peking Review 1959 - 51

Peking Review 1959 – 51

Peking Review 1959 - 52

Peking Review 1959 – 52

 

 

 

 

 

Beijing Review

From issue No. 1 of 1979 the weekly political and informative magazine Peking Review changed its name to Beijing Review. On page 3 of that number the editors made the open declaration of the change in the direction of the erstwhile ‘People’s Republic of China’.

By stating that the Communist Party of China (under the control then of Teng Hsiao-Ping/Deng Xiaoping ) sought

‘to accomplish socialist modernisation by the end of the century and turn China …. into an economically developed and fully democratic socialist country’

the CPC was openly declaring the rejection of the revolutionary path, which the country had been following since 1949, and the adoption of the road that would inevitably lead to the full scale establishment of capitalism.

For those who would like to follow this downward spiral into the murky depths of capitalism and imperialism in the issues of Beijing Review (complete for the years 1979-1990 – intermittently thereafter) you can do so by going to bannedthought – which also serves as an invaluable resource for more material about China during its revolutionary phase.

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A Thousand Murdered Girls

Greek Partisan Women

Greek Partisan Women

If there’s any lesson to be learnt from the new play A Thousand Murdered Girls, about the way that Greek women partisans were treated after the Second World War, it’s don’t trust the British.

Partisan movements, very often led by strong Communist parties, were fundamental in liberating many of the countries in the Balkan region. And it was in those Communist led resistance armies that you would have found a considerable number of women, not just in support roles to the army, but actually taking up arms and fighting side by side with the men for the liberation of their countries from Fascism. In fact, it was only in those countries where the Communists were organised that women played such a militant role: Albania, Greece, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union.

The British supplied arms (after all for much of the war the British weren’t actually doing much fighting in Europe) and constantly tried to influence those Partisan movements by sending in Special Operations Executive (SOE) officers, the forerunner of MI6. At the same time that the Soviet Red Army was inflicting crushing blows on the German Nazi forces on the Eastern Front both German and Italian forces were being pushed out of those countries in southern Europe that they had taken with such ease a few years before.

Royalist and very often pro-fascist armies of the old state had put up little resistance and it was only when the Communist Partisans became properly organised that the tide began to turn against Fascism. By the autumn of 1944, when the defeat of the Nazis was only a matter of time, the British, and especially Churchill, started to denigrate and sideline these fighters, who had sacrificed so much, in favour of political forces that would be more willing to follow the instructions of the both the UK and the USA. Churchill might have been anti-Nazi but he was never anti-Fascist!

So as soon as the war was ‘won’ in Greece the Greek people had to face the attempts of the local Monarchists and Fascists to reap the rewards of all their suffering and sacrifice. Mistakes made by the Greek Communist Party (the KKE) led to a drawn out Civil War which they eventually lost.

If one major mistake was to trust the British the other was to give up their arms. No revolutionary, in any country, in any circumstance, should ever, ever give up their arms just on the promises made by government and international forces that have spent their existence perfecting the art of lying to the people. Unfortunately the Greek Partisans didn’t seem to be aware of events in Germany in the 1920s or any understanding of the extent to which imperialism would go in their attempts to destroy the young Soviet Union. If the Greeks made a fatal mistake (for some) in the 1940s it’s even more depressing to look at what has happened in the last few years in Nepal.

Why the KKE made such a mistake I can’t say although the evidence of the nefarious actions of the British were evident in the region – witness the Corfu Channel Incident engineered by the British (which even meant the deaths of their own seamen) in an attempt to intimidate Albania. The Communist Party in Albania was strong enough, and probably had a better ideological understanding of what was happening in the immediate post-war world, to stand up to such bullying.

The play makes a point, quite early, about what Churchill was up to and that’s all well and good. What it does not mention is that it was not a party political issue in the UK. If Churchill started the process of interference in the internal affairs of the Balkan countries it was the Labour Government of Attlee (with Bevin as the anti-Communist Foreign Secretary) who continued with the policy, even moving British involvement up a notch.

One of the problems in Britain, and this comes up in many so-called progressive artistic performances as well, is that there is a seeming reluctance of many of those on the ‘left’ of any criticism of the Labour Party and its foreign policy. Labour was thrown out (and Churchill returned) before the action in the play is completed but there is a seamless development of foreign policy. This was to be repeated the next time the Labour Party were to find themselves in power in Britain, and for that millions of Indonesian working people and peasants were to suffer.

Through representing this shameful period in Greek history (which led directly to the fascistisation of the Greek police and military and ultimately to the Generals Coup in 1967) through the words that the women wrote whilst in concentration camps on the small and, at that time, isolated island of Trikeri it misses the most important point.

Yes it displays their strength, unity and steadfastness in face of extreme suffering, hardship and provocation. But in the end it doesn’t try to present us with any useful thoughts for the future.

The play A Thousand Murdered Girls was written by Darren Guy, directed by Mikyla Jane Durkan and performed at the Unity Theatre, Liverpool, from the 4th-6th July, 2013.