Zimbabwe – pre-Independence

Liberation war

Liberation war

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Zimbabwe – pre-Independence

Here we attempt to paint a picture of what Rhodesia was like under white, colonialist rule and the life of the Zimbabwean people and of those who fought against oppression and exploitation.

Rhodesia – Why Minority Rule Survives, International Defence and Aid Fund, London, 1969, 43 pages.

A Smuggled Account from a Guerrilla Fighter, Africa Research Group, New York, 1970, 4 pages.

The Land Problem in Rhodesia, RC Riddell, Mambo Press, Gweru, 1978, 135 pages.

A Shona Urban Court, GL Chavunduka, Occasional Papers No 14, Mambo Press, Gwelo, 1979, 70 pages.

Birth of Bantu Africa, Aeneas Chigwedere, Books for Africa, Bulawayo, 1982, 141 pages.

Lobola – the pros and cons, Aeneas Chigwedere, Books for Africa, Harare, 1982, 59 pages.

Zimbabwe before 1900, DN Beach, Mambo Press, Gweru, 1984, 88 pages.

The Shona and Zimbabwe 900-1850, DN Beach, Mambo Press, Gweru, 1984, 427 pages.

The Chitepo Assassination, David Martin and Phyllis Johnson, Zimbabwe Publishing House, Harare, 1985, 134 pages.

Oral History – The Zvimba People of Zimbabwe, Stanlake Samkange, Harare Publishing House, Harare, 1986, 93 pages.

The Karanga Empire, Aeneas Chigwedere, Books for Africa, Harare, 1986, 174 pages.

War and Politics in Zimbabwe 1840-1900, DN Beach, Mambo Press, Harare, 1986, 165 pages.

From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe

A series of pamphlets that analysed the problems that an independent Zimbabwe would have to face. These were published at a time when independence was inevitable but when how exactly that would be developed (and what trajectory the country would follow) was still unknown.

No 1 Alternatives to Poverty, Roger Riddell, Catholic Institute for International Relations, London, 1977, 23 pages.

No 2 The Land Question, Roger Riddell, Catholic Institute for International Relations, London, 40 pages.

No 3 The Unemployment Crisis, Duncan G Clarke, Catholic Institute for International Relations, London, 1978, 36 pages.

No 4 Skilled Labour and Future Needs, Colin Stoneman, Catholic Institute for International Relations, London, 1978, 55 pages.

No 6 Beyond Community Development, Michael Bratton, Catholic Institute for International Relations, London, 1978, 63 pages.

No 8 The Food Problem, Vincent Tickner, Catholic Institute for International Relations, London, 1979, 78 pages.

More on Zimbabwe …

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Robert Mugabe – an appreciation of a revolutionary

Robert Mugame being welcomed by an independent Zimbabwe

Robert Mugame being welcomed by an independent Zimbabwe

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Robert Mugabe – an appreciation of a revolutionary

I will be one of those today who will be saddened by the news of the death of Robert Mugabe. He was, without a shadow of a doubt, the finest leader the African continent has produced to date and because of this his death will be celebrated, although behind closed doors (hypocrites that they are), by those who regret the loss of the African colonies to the European imperialists.

In a version of the famous phrase of Chairman Mao ‘to be attacked by the enemy is a good thing and not a bad thing’ what commentators will be saying over the next few days about Robert Mugabe will be directly connected to the way in which they see the end of colonialism.

In an attempt to present themselves as ‘impartial’ many will praise Mugabe for the early years of his leadership of the independent state of Zimbabwe. But they will do this as the first 15 to 20 years or so of independence was when Mugabe (an honourable man as he was, sometimes to a fault) adhered strictly to the agreement made at Lancaster House in London at the end of 1979.

As part of that agreement the handful of whites that still lived in the country (an estimated 100,000 out of a population of 7 million in 1980) were given a ten per cent guaranteed representation in the Zimbabwe legislature for a period of ten years. This was as ludicrous a situation as the similar number of people who imposed the buffoon Johnson upon a population of more than 60 million Brits earlier this year.

Whereas the more recent example just demonstrates the stupidity of the British population the acceptance of this ‘crime’ in the Zimbabwean context was to ensure the speedy end of the war against white minority rule that had already cost the lives of 47,000 black Zimbabweans both fighters and civilians – the Rhodesian fascists considering anyone in the wrong place at the wrong time to be a guerrilla and therefore fair game.

Also as part of this agreement there would be no forceful takeover of the lands of the white colonialist farmers who controlled the most fertile land and with access to ample supplies of water – even in the situation of a drought.

As these measures didn’t affect the fundamental situation of who controlled the wealth of the country it’s no surprise that the ex-colonialists will consider this period to be the time of the ‘good’ Mugabe. Revolutionaries – although accepting that Mugabe only did this as he wanted to stand true to an agreement he had made in good faith – will consider this period as a time when the revolution lost momentum.

The British establishment didn’t like Mugabe preferring Joshua Nkomo, who they correctly thought they could use as their puppet and surrogate representative of colonial interests. Over the years many politicians around at the time of the agreement openly stated this. Neither did the British government, whether Conservative throughout the 80s or Labour when they came to power in the 90s, provided the monies and the expertise that was promised in order to transfer a great deal of the agricultural wealth of the country to the black majority. .

If I have any criticism of Mugabe at this time it was that he was too honourable and kept to an agreement which was being ignored by the other signatory.

Droughts caused local problems during the 80s and when the protection to white representation and the restriction on the takeover of white farms was effectively lifted Zimbabwe was hit by another blow in the way the country was denied credit and loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund – unless Zimbabweans agreed to the privatisation of the principal wealth generating industries (which included the very lucrative mining industries) in the country. A combination of these varied pressures made things difficult for Mugabe as leader of the government and this allowed for the promotion of a so-called alternative in the jumped up trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

His arrest and removal in 2017 was the result of frustration in the country that was unable to thrive under enforced international isolation. He became, in effect, a scapegoat for the problems that were not of his making.

The way in which the ex-colonialists supported this pretence of a leaders demonstrates the fact that should never be forgotten – the colonialists will NEVER give up and they will continue for decades if need be to re-establish their influence in those countries they have lost to independence struggles by the African majority. The bloodstained hands of the British, French and Portuguese can be seen in South Africa, Rwanda and Angola.

Mugabe also never gave up on the idea that armed struggle was the only way that colonised and oppressed peoples can ever gain their freedom and independence. This was something else for which the capitalist and imperialist could never forgive. Even though the wars they have instigated in the past, and will promote in the future, have cost the lives of millions and the suffering of many millions more with their highly sophisticated weaponry they cannot accept the taking up of the AK47 by the exploited and oppressed of the world. They will even go so far as to destroy the world if need be to achieve their goals.

Imperialism would rather those calling for reconciliation and a forgetting of the past – such as Nelson Mandela – be the role model for any future wars of independence. The economic situation in Zimbabwe is a result of the isolation and pressures placed upon the country by international capital but it would take a true optimist indeed, if not a blind fool, to argue that the situation in South Africa for the majority of the African population has improved substantially since the end of Apartheid. And South Africa is very much still in the clutches of the imperialists.

If Mugabe’s reputation and past will be trashed by those looking back to a time when the predominantly white countries of the world could rule wherever they wished with impunity his legacy will be treasured by those who fight for a better future for the oppressed and exploited of the world. It must be remembered that whilst the white cretinous leaders were fooling around and taking ‘selfies’ at Mandela’s memorial gathering it was Robert Mugabe who received the warmest welcome by the African crown.

Yes, Robert Mugabe made mistakes. Only those who don’t try something new will never make mistakes. Even the true giants of world Communism, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin and Chairman Mao Tse-tung, made mistakes. Those mistakes don’t detract from their achievements and neither will those of Robert Mugabe detract from his.

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