Eternity Memorial Complex – Chișinău – Moldova

Posted on 09/04/2026 by Michael

Victory Memorial – Chișinău – May 9th, 1980

Eternity Memorial Complex – Chișinău – Moldova

The memorial park to the fallen of the Great Patriotic War in Chișinău is quite a large complex compared to many of the ones I’ve visited in the other post-Soviet Republics. In Moldova such monuments are now called ‘Eternity Memorials’. One aspect of this memorial (which is repeated in other Moldovan towns) is that the Eternal Flame is still burning. Sadly the flame has been extinguished in many places, for example, in Bishtek (Kyrgyzstan) and Tbilisi (Georgia). So at least in this small country there’s still that element of respect to those who had fallen in the anti-Fascist war.

Though it’s quite a large complex I don’t consider it very attractive – and that’s principally down to the colour of the principal structure and the six large stelae on the edge of the site that separate the memorial complex from the city’s main public cemetery.

Eternity Memorial Complex – Chișinău

The principal structure is in the form of a large, open pyramid formed by five, 25 metre high stylised stone rifles. The numbers 1941, 1942, 1943, 1944 and 1945 are displayed on each of the struts indicating the years from the time that the Soviet Union was invaded until the year that the Red Army entered Berlin. In the centre is a five pointed star which houses the Eternal Flame.

The problem of this monument, for me, is its garish orange colour. That wasn’t always the case as, originally, both the pyramid and the stelae were the colour of the natural stone when the monument was constructed in time for the thirtieth anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War on 9th May 1975 (when it was known as the Victory Memorial). The structure went through a renovation in time for August 24, 2006, which marked the 62nd anniversary of the Second Jassy–Kishinev Offensive (an important victory of the Soviet Red Army over the Fascist forces – both German and Romanian – in eastern Romania). It’s almost certain it was during this renovation that the decision was taken to paint the the major structures this stand-out orange colour – an insult (assault) camouflaged as taking care of an important part of Moldova’s heritage.

Eternal Flame

I have read that the pyramid and the Eternal Flame used to have a permanent honour guard (changing every hour on the hour) but that was not the case when I visited in 2025. It’s more than likely that now the honour guard is only in place during the days surrounding the May 9th Victory Day – which is still celebrated (and is a public holiday) in Moldova. This was the situation in May 2025 in Stalingrad in Russia.

At the western edge of the complex is known as the ‘Heroes Cemetery’ where there are a number of memorials, as well as individual graves, to Red Army soldiers who died in Chișinău, either during battles within Chișinău itself in 1941 or in nearby battles towards the end of the conflict in Moldova, in August 1944, when the Nazi forces were being forced back towards their liar in Berlin. In this part of the complex as well as white pillars with the names of individual soldiers there’s a symbolic belfry and a massive bronze laurel crown which is inscribed with the words ‘We didn’t forget you’. This slogan is reflected on the more modern, major monument where can be read the words ‘No one is forgotten, nothing is forgotten’. Unfortunately, that is not the case for many in the post-Socialist Republics.

This would seem to indicate that there was a relatively small memorial to those who died in the Great Patriotic War constructed soon after 1945 but it wasn’t until 30 years later that the larger and more substantial monument we see today was constructed.

Red Army Cemetery

As I type this I’m trying to work out why the Revisionists (and traitors to the October Revolution and the Party, as well as the sacrifice of all those who died in the Great Patriotic War to defend Socialism) who were in control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1975 decided to sanction the building of such a major monument in Moldova and the other of the Soviet Republics at, more or less, the same time. All I can come up with is that as they were increasingly flailing having betrayed the cause of Revolutionary Socialism and so they celebrated the past in order to hide their ineptitude in the present.

Another monument, one that is much more recent than those related to the Great Patriotic War, is ‘Grieving Mother’, which is dedicated to the ‘War of Independence of Moldova’ from 1991-1992 which resulted in the establishment of the province of Pridnestrovie (called Transnistria by those in the west that challenge its right to exist) refusing – to this day – to be considered part of the Moldova which wants to integrate/ingratiate itself with the European Union.

There is supposed to be a black cross which was erected on the site of the graves of fallen German soldiers buried here. However, I missed that (if, indeed, it does exist). It seems to be very strange to have such a fascist monument in exactly the same location as the country’s principal monument to the Soviet fallen in the Great Patriotic War. I’ve come across a monument to the German dead in Tirana, Albania – but at least that’s in a different park to the location of the National Martyrs Cemetery. There’s something off about having a memorial to Fascist dead in the country let alone in a complex commemorating the country’s martyrs to fascism.

Along the walkways there are a total of 155 marble slabs with the names of those who died in the battle against Nazism.

As stated above there are six, very large, square stelae (also now painted the same bright orange as the monument containing the Eternal Flame) which contain images of soldiers but at the same time none of them reference the enemy against which they were fighting – that is, German Nazism. Without knowing the context they could be fighting in any 20th century war.

Stela 1941

The first, the one on the left as you look towards the main cemetery with the road at your back, makes an allegorical reference to the war. Here we have a young, almost naked muscular male sitting on the ground (not obviously injured in any way) with his right arm raised, above his head and slightly behind his back. In his hand he holds a huge sword with its point reaching to the edge of the stela. This might mean a willingness and preparedness to fight to defend the cause of Socialism and the lives of his family, friends and comrades. Not really sure I understand why he’s on the ground.

Behind him, is a female standing with her left arm raised with the forearm resting on her head. This would seem to indicate mourning and sadness but also a realisation that the possible sacrifice of the male (as there is no certainty that those going off to war will return) is necessary for the common good. The expression on her face also indicates grief.

In the left-hand top corner of this stela is the number 1941 – the year of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union.

The next four stelae have images of ranks of armed Soviet soldiers, in all of them marching forward – even though some of their comrades are injured – and urging those behind to join the fight. They are showing determination to throw out the invader although, in the actual war, there were some serious setbacks. But after the victory of the Red Army in Stalingrad the outcome of the war was certain. It was no longer a question of if, it was a question of when.

The final one, with the year 1945 in the top, right-hand corner, celebrates the victory. Here we have the image of three soldiers, almost standing to attention – their weapons no longer pointing towards the enemy. Their uniforms and headwear demonstrating the different units involved and the fur hat of the soldier on the right emphasising that this was a war of all the people’s of the Soviet Republics. The idea of peace is shown by the fact that there’s a young girl standing by the central soldier – who has his left hand resting on her shoulder. It is now safe for her carry on her life as normal, for her and all the children in the Soviet Union.

Near to the gated entrance to the complex there’s an alcove reached by a couple of steps which contains a semi-circle of marble stelae inscribed with the names of Heroes of the Soviet Union – one of them celebrating the achievements of Semyon Timoshenko. I’m not really sure why his name is included on the honour roll here. He was born in the Odesa Oblast in the Ukraine (which is close but still a separate Republic of the Soviet Union) and I’ve seen no reference to him being involved in any of the fronts that were established in Chișinău/Moldova.

Also to be found in this memorial complex to the dead of the Red Army is a Christian chapel. This is now common in such monuments throughout the post-Socialist world. This follows a ‘tradition’ established by the Roman Catholic church from the 15th/16th centuries were Christian churches were placed on top of religious sites of the indigenous American peoples in (now) Central and Southern America. Placing the European religious buildings in such locations was tantamount to thrusting a dagger into the heart of the defeated peoples’ beliefs. This was the so-called ‘extirpation of idolatry’. The same has happened in Europe. Capitalism and its obscurantist appendages are declaring their ‘victory’ over Communism. But such a ‘victory’ is only temporary.

All in all quite a cluttered site with many (often conflicting) messages. But interesting nonetheless.

Sculptors;

A. Maiko and I. Poniatowski

Architect;

A. Minaev.

Location;

9th May 1945 Memorial, Cemetery of the Heroes of the Great Patriotic War, Pantelimon Halippa Street 5,

GPS;

47.00906 N

28.83218 E

Bill Bland – anti-Revisionist writings

Posted on 28/03/2026 by Michael

Bill Bland

Bill Bland (1916-2001) – anti-Revisionist writings

Bill Bland was one of those British Communists who refused to accept the Revisionism which came to power in the Union of Soviet Socialist States (USSR) with the ascendency of Nikita Khrushchev following the death of Comrade Joseph Stalin in 1953.

In 1956, at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union – CPSU (during the so-called Secret Speech) Khrushchev laid out the line of Soviet Revisionism but due to (perhaps mistaken) efforts by those revolutionary Communists to maintain unity it was until after the Meeting of the 81 Communist and Workers Parties in Moscow, on the 16th November, 1960, (where Enver Hoxha gave one of the most principled presentations of any Marxist-Leninist in the 20th century) that Revolutionary Marxist-Leninists worldwide were finally convinced the degeneration of the CPSU was irrevocable.

Bland was involved in the Anti-Revisionist Movement in Britain and was one of the founding members of the Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain (MLOB). Following disagreements and splits within the MLOB Bland founded the Communist League in 1975. He also was instrumental in the formation of the Stalin Society in the UK in 1991. He was subsequently expelled from that organisation when the supporters of Mao Tse-tung became dominant.

Bland was very much pro-Enver Hoxha and anti-Mao Tse-tung. This would have caused difficulties in the period between 1961 and 1976 when the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania and the People’s Republic of China stood shoulder to shoulder in the struggle against Revisionism during what was known as the Polemic in the International Communist Movement during the 1960s.

This pro-Hoxha, pro-People’s Socialist Republic of Albania stance might have gained some credibility following the death of Chairman Mao in 1976 with the coup and the assumption of power by the ‘capitalist roaders’ in China but following the collapse of the Socialist society in Albania in 1991 the differences became academic.

Now the challenge is to get the parasites in control out of their positions. We can have the struggle between different lines of thought after that milestone has been passed. The documents below can be considered part of that forthcoming Cultural Revolution.

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Engels’ ‘Condition of the working class in England’, paper presented at the International Seminar held in Italy, December 1995 to commemorate the Centenary of the death of Frederick Engels, 39 pages.

German-Soviet Non-aggression Pact – 1939, presented to the Stalin Society in London, February 1990, 21 pages.

Lenin’s Testament – 1922-1923, n.d., 45 pages.

Manifesto of the Communist League, Where we stand, adopted December 1975, 5 pages.

Meeting of German and British Marxist-Leninists, between the Communist League of the UK and the Communist Party of Germany (Marxist-Leninist), April 1999, 2 pages.

Socialists and fascism, n.d., 2 pages.

Stalin and the arts, an extended and annotated version of a lecture given at the Stalin Society in London in May 1993, 65 pages.

Stalinism, address to the Sarat Academy in London on 30th April 1999, 5 pages.

The ‘doctors case’ and the death of Stalin, an extended and annotated version of a lecture given to the Stalin Society in October 1991, 82 pages.

The assassination of Trotsky, Compass, magazine of the Communist League, No. 110, February 1994, 16 pages.

The Cominform fights Revisionism, presented to the Stalin Society in London, ca 1998, 16 pages.

The Cominform fights Revisionism, presented to the Stalin Society in London, ca 1998, version produced by the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line, 16 pages.

The enforced resettlements, a paper presented to the Stalin Society in London in July 1993, 17 pages.

The historical significance of Stalin’s ‘Economic problems of Socialism in the USSR’, n.d., 31 pages.

The market under Socialism, paper presented following a presentation by Ella Rule at the Stalin Society on Stalin’s ‘Economic problems of Socialism in the USSR’, n.d., 6 pages.

The Pakistani revolution, Report of the Central Committee of the Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain, ca 1969, reprinted 2001 by Alliance, 86 pages.

The question of [trade] protection, January 1992, 2 pages.

The Revolutionary process in colonial countries, a paper presented on behalf of the Communist League, at the Marxist-Leninist Seminar in London in July 1993, 17 pages.

The struggle against Revisionism in the field of linguistics, Compass, magazine of the Communist League, No. 126, February 1997, 30 pages.

The Workers Party of Korea and Revisionism, n.d., 18 pages.

United Front tactics, paper presented to the Stalin Society in London, n.d., 15 pages.

VI Lenin badge picture gallery

Posted on 31/08/2025 by Michael

VI Lenin

VI Lenin badge picture gallery

I don’t really know when the wearing of badges with the image of VI Lenin started to become common place in the Soviet Union.

Images of the first Bolshevik leader were used soon after his death, especially in photo-montages, for example, promoting the scheme of the ‘Electrification of the whole country’. The Soviets had long understood that in a (at that time but quickly diminishing as literacy campaigns took root) predominantly peasant country with high levels of illiteracy that the visual image – especially in the form of cheap to produce posters – were an effective weapon to get over the government’s message. This was later stepped up during the 1930s with the programmes of collectivisation of agriculture and the industrialisation of the country in the Five Year Plans.

Yes, this was propaganda – but which society before or since hasn’t used all the methods to hand to get across their message?

Also, in the 1920s images of Vladimir Ilyich would have been common in state and public buildings. (This happens in the present day in the USA where there’s always an image of the present President in public buildings down to and including post offices – so not a uniquely Soviet phenomenon.) However, I don’t know to what extent this practice would have developed in private houses.

(In the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea you will find the image of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il in virtually every home – normally the two of them side by side. However, I have never seen an example where the image of the present leader (Kim Jong Un) is on display in either a public or private forum. It is almost virtually impossible for foreigners to acquire a badge similar to those which every citizen wears in public.)

Returning to the Soviet Union I have not come across any badges with the image of Soviet leaders (and here I’m talking principally about VI Lenin, JV Stalin and FE Dzerzhinsky – the only three I have seen personally depicted on a badge – I’m ignoring here the traitorous Gorbachev and the vodka sodden idiot Yeltsin) prior to the 1970s. If there have been personal badges earlier they tended to be of a Red Star or a Hammer and Sickle – and from the early days the Hammer and Plough. But nothing of the leadership.

1970 saw the hundredth anniversary of the birth of VI Lenin – and many of the badges produced made direct reference to that anniversary. My assumption is that in an effort to boost their credibility (and to piggy-back on the admiration the people of the Soviet Union had for the first Bolshevik leader) the then Revisionist leaders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union instigated the wearing of a small badge with Lenin’s image. It must be remembered that this was only a few years after the beginning of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the People’s Republic of China which included the wearing of a badge with the image of Chairman Mao.

Whenever the mass production of these badges started – and for whatever reason – there may be many readers who haven’t had the opportunity to see examples of these images of VI Lenin. Hence, the slide show below to rectify that omission.

Also included are a few examples of badges with the image of JV Stalin. These have been produced in very recent years and, to the best of my knowledge, none were ever produced in the erstwhile Soviet Union.